By Tom Engelhardt, Antiwar.com
Here’s the essence of it: you can trust America’s crème de la crème, the most elevated, responsible people, no matter what weapons, what powers, you put in their hands.
Here’s the essence of it: you can trust America’s crème de la crème, the most elevated, responsible people, no matter what weapons, what powers, you put in their hands.
Placed in the hands of evildoers, those weapons and powers could create
a living nightmare; controlled by the best of people, they lead to measured,
thoughtful, precise decisions in which bad things are (with rare and
understandable exceptions) done only to truly terrible types. In the process,
you simply couldn’t be better protected.
We’re speaking of the officials of our national-security state—the
30,000 people hired to listen in on conversations and other communications in
this country, the 230,000 employees of the Department of Homeland Security, the
854,000 people with top-secret clearances, the 4.2 million with security
clearances of one sort or another, the $2 billion, one-million-square-foot data
center that the National Security Agency is constructing in Utah, the gigantic
$1.8 billion headquarters the National Geospatial Intelligence Agency recently
built for its 16,000 employees in the Washington area—but there’s a good
reason. That’s what’s needed to make truly elevated, surgically precise
decisions about life and death in the service of protecting American interests
on this dangerous globe of ours.
We’re talking, in particular, about the use by the Obama administration
(and the Bush administration before it) of a growing armada of remotely piloted
planes, aka drones, grimly labeled Predators and Reapers, to fight a nameless,
almost planet-wide war (formerly known as the Global War on Terror). Its
purpose: to destroy al-Qaeda-in-wherever and all its wannabes and look-alikes,
the Taliban, and anyone affiliated or associated with any of the above, or just
about anyone else we believe might imminently endanger our “interests.”
In the service of this war, in the midst of a perpetual state of war and
of wartime, every act committed by these leaders is, it turns out, absolutely,
totally, and completely legal.
By their own account, they have, in fact, been covertly exceptional,
moral, and legal for more than a decade (minus, of course, the odd black site
and torture chamber)—so covertly exceptional, in fact, that they haven’t quite
gotten the credit they deserve. Now, they would like to make the latest version
of their exceptional mission to the world known to the rest of us. It is
finally in our interest, it seems, to be a good deal better informed about
America’s covert wars in a year in which the widely announced “covert” killing
of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan is a major selling point in the president’s
reelection campaign.
No one should be surprised. There was always an “overt” lurking in the
“covert” of what now passes for “covert war.” The CIA’s global drone
assassination campaign has long been a bragging point in Washington, even if it
couldn’t officially be discussed directly before, say, Congress.
Recently, top administration officials seem to be fanning out to offer
rare peeks into what’s truly on-target and exceptional about America’s drone
wars. If you want to get a taste of just what this means, consider as Exhibit
One a recent speech by the president’s counterterrorism “czar,” John Brennan,
at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. According to his own
account, he was dispatched to the center by President Obama to provide greater
openness when it comes to the administration’s secret drone wars, to respond to
critics of the drones and their legality, and undoubtedly to put a smiley face
on drone operations generally.
Ever since the Puritan minister John Winthrop first used the phrase in a
sermon on shipboard on the way to North America, “a city upon a hill” has
caught something of at least one American-style dream—a sense that this
country’s fate was to be a blessed paragon for the rest of the world, an
exception to every norm. In the last century, it became “a shining city upon a
hill” and was regularly cited in presidential addresses.
Whatever that “city,” that dream, was once imagined to be, it has
undergone a largely unnoticed metamorphosis in the 21st century. It has
become—even in our dreams—an up-armored garrison encampment, just as Washington
itself has become the heavily fortified bureaucratic heartland of a war state.
So when Brennan spoke, what he offered was a new version of American
exceptionalism: the first “shining drone upon a hill” speech, which also
qualifies as an instant classic of self-congratulation.
Never, according to him, has a country with such an advanced weapon
system as the drone used it quite so judiciously. American drone strikes, he
assured his listeners, are “ethical and just,” “wise,” and “surgically
precise”—exactly what you’d expect from a country he refers to, quoting the president,
as the preeminent “standard bearer in the conduct of war.”
Those drone strikes, he assured his listeners, are based on staggeringly
“rigorous standards” involving the individual identification of human targets.
Even when visited on American citizens outside declared war zones, they are
invariably “within the bounds of the law,” as you would expect of the
preeminent “nation of laws.”
The strikes are never motivated by vengeance, always target someone
known to us as the worst of the worst, and almost invariably avoid anyone who
is even the most mediocre of the mediocre. (Forget the fact that, as Greg
Miller of The Washington Post reported, the CIA has recently received
permission from the president to launch drone strikes in Yemen based only on
the observed “patterns of suspicious behavior” of groups of unidentified
individuals, as was already true in the Pakistani tribal borderlands.)
Yes, in such circumstances innocents do unfortunately die, even if
unbelievably rarely—and for that we couldn’t be more regretful. Such deaths,
however, are in some sense salutary, since they lead to the most rigorous
reviews and reassessments of, and so improvements in, our actions. “This too,”
Brennan assured his audience, “is a reflection of our values as Americans.”
“I would note,” he added, “that these standards, for identifying a
target and avoiding … the loss of lives of innocent civilians, exceed what is
required as a matter of international law on a typical battlefield. That’s
another example of the high standards to which we hold ourselves.”
And that’s just a taste of the tone and substance of the speech given by
the president’s leading counterterrorism expert, and in it he’s no outlier. It
catches something about an American sense of self at this moment. Yes, Americans
may be ever more down on the Afghan war, but like their leaders, they are high
on drones. In a February Washington Post/ABC News poll, 83% of respondents
supported the administration’s use of drones. Perhaps that’s not surprising
either, since the drones are generally presented here as the coolest of
machines, as well as cheap alternatives (in money and lives) to sending more
armies onto the Eurasian mainland.
In these last years, this country has pioneered the development of the
most advanced killing machines on the planet for which the national-security
state has plans decades into the future. Conceptually speaking, our leaders
have also established their “right” to send these robot assassins into any
airspace, no matter the local claims of national sovereignty, to take out those
we define as evil or simply to protect American interests. On this, Brennan
couldn’t be clearer. In the process, we have turned much of the rest of the
planet into what can only be considered an American free-fire zone.
We have, in short, established a remarkably expansive set of drone-war
rules for the global future. Naturally, we trust ourselves with such rules, but
there is a fly in the ointment, even as the droniacs see it. Others far less
sagacious, kindly, lawful, and good than we are do exist on this planet, and
they may soon have their own fleets of drones. About 50 countries are today
buying or developing such robotic aircraft, including Russia, China, and Iran,
not to speak of Hezbollah in Lebanon. And who knows what terror groups are
looking into suicide drones?
As The Washington Post’s David Ignatius put it in a column about
Brennan’s speech: “What if the Chinese deployed drones to protect their workers
in southern Sudan against rebels who have killed them in past attacks? What if
Iran used them against Kurdish separatists they regard as terrorists? What if
Russia used them over Chechnya? What position would the United States take, and
wouldn’t it be hypocritical if it opposed drone attacks by other nations that
face ‘imminent’ or ‘significant’ threats?”
This is Washington’s global drone conundrum as seen from inside the
Beltway. Those “shining drones” launched on campaigns of assassination are
increasingly the “face” that we choose to present to the world. And yet it’s
beyond us why it might not shine for others.
In reality, it’s not so hard to imagine what we increasingly look like
to those others: a Predator nation. And not just to the parents and relatives
of the more than 160 children the Bureau of Investigative Journalism has
documented as having died in U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan.
Our leaders are transforming the promise of America into a promise of
death. And death, visited from the skies, isn’t precise. It isn’t glorious. It
isn’t judicious. It certainly isn’t a shining vision. It’s hell. And it’s a
global future for which, someday, no one will thank us.
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